The
Norwegian Campaign: April - May 1940
References
Appendix
VI Operational organisation of S/Ms in North Sea 7 April 1940
Patrolgram 3 Patrols during
Norwegian Campaign and subsequent threat of invasion
Map 5 The calm before the storm
Map 6 German invasion forces sail
for Norway
Map 7 German invasion of Denmark
and Norway
Map 8 Attempt to intercept German
warships returning from Norway
Map 9 Incidents in Norwegian campaign
THE BRITISH
BECAME INVOLVED IN NORWAY as a result of their determination
to stop the Swedish iron ore traffic with Germany, as well
as to hinder the use of the Norwegian inner leads as a route
to the open sea to and from Germany which avoided our blockade.
After failing to get Norway to co-operate by diplomacy and
failing to secure Narvik and the oil fields by measures with
the outward appearance of giving help to the Finns, they had
decided to lay mines in Norwegian territorial waters. Although
this would violate Norwegian neutrality it would force all
traffic out to sea where it could be made subject to our contraband
control. This move was to be justified to the world by insisting
that the present situation unfairly favoured Germany and could
no longer be tolerated. It was accepted that this action might
provoke a German invasion of Norway and so it was an integral
part of the plan to have troops ready to forestall them at
Narvik, Trondheim, Bergen and Stavanger. British submarine
patrols were to be stiffened in the Skagerrak and the Heligoland
Bight as a cover for these operations, which were scheduled
for 4th April.
On lst April,
VA(S) summoned his flotilla commanders to a conference at
Northways in which he briefed them about 'Plan R4', as the
minelaying off the Norwegian coast and the military operations
which were part of it, were called. He told them that the
minelaying was likely to lead to the German invasion of Norway,
as the iron ore traffic was vital to them1.
He therefore intended to send every available submarine to
patrol in the Skagerrak and east of the German declared area
by dawn on 5th April. He also intended to place submarines
off likely landing places in Norway. At the time of the conference
there were only three submarines on patrol, Triton
was off the Skaw, Trident
off Arendal and Swordfish
off the north west point of Denmark2.
Sealion
sailed the same day to join them and on 2nd April, Orzel,
Sunfish
and Unity
put to sea. Narwhal
also sailed on 2nd April to lay the first British submarine
minefield of the war. This had been planned earlier as a way
to hinder the iron ore traffic at its German end when the
Baltic entrances were frozen. Narwhal
(Lieutenant Commander RJ Burch RN) embarked 50 mines at Immingham
and laid them on 4th April fifty miles northwest of Heligoland
where there was believed to be an exit into the open sea.
This field sank the German anti-submarine vessel Emden
but did not catch any iron ore ships. On 4th April the minelaying
off the coast of Norway was postponed until 8th April and
this respite allowed five more submarines to be sent to sea.
At the same time, some submarines already at sea were moved
further into the Skagerrak and Kattegat5.
Late on 4th April VA(S) sent out an order that transports
were to be attacked rather than warships. On 4th and 5th April,
Trident,
who had left harbour before the Norwegian invasion scare and
knew nothing about it, stopped and examined several neutral
ships off the Lister Light. On 5th April too, Unity
attacked and missed a U-boat in the Heligoland Bight. On 6th
April VA(S) told Sealion,
in the Kattegat, not to compromise her position by examining
merchant ships. She was well placed to intercept an invasion
force but was in a difficult position. It was flat calm and
very shallow and seawater of low density caused trimming problems.
There were also many fishing vessels about.
French submarines,
designated in the British order of battle as the Tenth Submarine
Flotilla, had now reinforced the British submarines in the
North Sea. They were stationed at Harwich where they arrived
on 23rd March. It consisted initially of the depot ship Jules
Verne and the submarines Sybille, Amazone,
Antiope and Doris. Later in the month it was
reinforced by Calypso, Circe, Sfax and
Thetis. Later still Achille, Orphee,
Pasteur, Casabianca and Rubis arrived.
One of its submarines, Sybille, had already been sent
to patrol off Terschelling and Antiope and Amazone
took over patrols west of the German declared area. There
were now sixteen British, French and Polish submarines at
sea ready to oppose any German counter measures to the British
minelaying in Norwegian waters on 8th April.
The German
invasion, when it came, was nothing to do with the British
minelaying in Norwegian waters, which they did not even know
was in progress. The enemy's plans stemmed from the German
Navy's strategic appreciation that they would never achieve
much in a maritime war with Great Britain while they remained
bottled up in the Baltic and the Heligoland Bight with limited
access to the oceans. They realised that if they possessed
Norway, the situation would be enormously improved. The invasion
of Norway appealed to Hitler anyway as he saw himself as head
of all the 'Nordic' races. A proposal to seize Norway had
been put forward by the German Navy in October 1939 and planning
was authorised during the winter of 1939 - 1940. Hitler, worried
by intelligence reports of allied 'volunteers' for Finland
and by the British disregard for Norwegian neutrality during
the Altmark incident, authorised the operation to go
ahead with a date in late March for the landings. The aim
of the operation was to prevent the British gaining a foothold
in Scandinavia or the Baltic, to ensure that supplies of Swedish
iron ore were uninterrupted and to give both the German Navy
and Air Force a closer and wider base for operations. The
date, however, had to be put back as the ice in the Baltic
was slower than usual in melting.
The German
plan for the invasion of Norway included the seizure of Denmark
as a stepping-stone, which had the added advantage of securing
the entrances to the Baltic. In face of superior British sea
power, the keys to the plan were to be secrecy, speed and deception.
Six army divisions were adjudged to be necessary and the first
echelon of these, about 8000 men was to be transported in warships
direct to Narvik, Trondheim, Bergen, Kristiansand and Oslo.
They were to be landed quickly and the warships would at once
return to Germany before the British Navy could react. The naval
defence of the landing places was then to be left to U-boats
patrolling in the offing. Heavy equipment and stores were to
be sent ahead in unescorted merchant vessels which, while pretending
to be engaged in commerce, would protect themselves by keeping
to Danish, Swedish or Norwegian territorial waters. A minefield
would be laid across the entrance to the Skagerrak behind which
reinforcing and supply convoys would run from German Baltic
ports to southern Norway, carrying the remainder of the six
divisions. The whole operation would be covered by Fliegerkorps
based in north Germany and consisting of a thousand aircraft7.
The Luftwaffe would seize the airfields at Stavanger and Oslo
with parachute troops and would fly in many of the ground troops
to these places after they were captured. They would also move
their combat aircraft up to Aalborg in Denmark and to Stavanger
from which places they could dominate the Skagerrak and the
North Sea off southwestern Norway. The landings were to take
place simultaneously at midnight on 8th - 9th April and this
involved the various groups of ships leaving at different times.
The first
German groups to sail were those bound for the ports in north
Norway. At 2300 on 6th April Scharnhorst and Gneisenau
with ten large destroyers carrying 2800 troops, left the Weser
for Narvik. At the same time Hipper and four large destroyers
carrying 1700 troops left the Elbe for Trondheim. These two
groups, in company, proceeded north at high speed in the darkness
and poor visibility. They passed well to the west of Unity
off Horns Reef without being seen. Unity
was the only submarine at the time east of the German declared
area. Next day at 0805, a Hudson aircraft of Coastal Command
sighted them, 150 miles south of the Naze. This information
was in the hands of VA(S) by midday and convinced him that Norway
was about to be invaded. He therefore sailed six more submarines,
which were now ready8.
The Admiralty, working on the same intelligence, were by no
means so sure of what was happening. They sent the available
information out but cast doubt on it by adding to the signal
that it was from doubtful sources and could be part of the 'war
of nerves'. In fact, British intelligence had obtained plenty
of information and it was available in good time. Reports of
shipping concentrations, troop movements and exercises and even
of plans and dates, mostly from our attaches in Scandinavia
and from spies, were available. Bomber Command provided supporting
information, there was exceptional wireless activity and Scharnhorst
and Gneisenau were sighted at Wilhelmshaven on 4th
April. Nevertheless the Admiralty and other authorities stuck
to their belief that a sortie into the Atlantic was more likely
and only Admiral Horton made the correct deduction.
Meanwhile
fifteen unescorted German merchant ships, including three large
tankers, had sailed for the various Norwegian ports, keeping
in neutral territorial waters. During 7th April, the main German
force pressed on up the Norwegian coast and attempts by Bomber
Command to intercept were unsuccessful9.
It passed the latitude of Scapa Flow before the Home Fleet put
to sea and, being composed of faster ships, showed them a clean
pair of heels.
The operations,
which now took place to the northwards involving the Home Fleet,
including the action between Renown and the German ships,
did not involve our submarines and so we must return to the
Skagerrak and Kattegat where they were concentrated. Here on
8th April, Trident
and Orzel sighted the procession of German merchant ships
heading north inside territorial waters10.
Something odd was undoubtedly afoot. The ships were clearly
German as they flew no ensigns and had no markings, as neutrals
normally had painted on their sides11.
At 1200 Orzel (Kapitan J Grudzinski) off Kristiansand,
caught the German Rio de Janeiro of 5281 tons, just outside
territorial waters and surfaced and ordered her to stop. Orzel
had only a Lewis gun to enforce her order and so gave Rio
de Janeiro a quarter of an hour to abandon ship and then
fired two torpedoes both of which hit and sank her. Norwegian
torpedo boats then arrived on the scene and she left the work
of rescue to them. The survivors included German troops whom,
when interrogated, admitted that they were on their way to 'protect'
Bergen. This incident caused great anxiety in the German high
command that thought that secrecy, essential to the whole operation,
was now compromised. They had reckoned without the British Admiralty's
stubborn belief that they were faced with a breakout into the
Atlantic and also by the Norwegian Government's refusal to accept
that disaster was about to overtake them. At 1330, Trident
(Lieutenant Commander AGL Seale RN) southeast of Oslo Fjord
was also perplexed by the procession of German merchant ships12.
A tanker with
no ensign or distinguishing marks then left territorial waters
to cut a corner across a bay. After watching her pass and
examining her closely through the periscope, Trident
surfaced and ordered her to stop13.
This she did and at once, abandoned ship and scuttled herself.
Trident
hastened her end with a torpedo and took the Captain prisoner
leaving her crew in the ship's boats. This was Posidonia
of 8036 tons bound for Bergen full of oil fuel14.
Among these ships heading north in territorial waters was
Orion; the second of the German armed merchant raiders
that sailed on 6th April. No British forces detected her although
she passed through the waters where the Home Fleet was operating
against the German battle cruisers.
While Rio
de Janeiro and Posidonia were being sunk by Orzel
and Trident,
VA(S) was discussing his dispositions with the Admiralty.
The Admiralty approved of them in general, but still believing
that they had to deal with a break out by the German heavy
ships rather than an invasion of Norway, instructed him to
withdraw submarines from off Norwegian ports and place them
between southwest Norway and the north of the German declared
area to intercept them on their return. Thistle
was ordered to patrol off Utsira and Clyde
off Jaederens, Tarpon
to the north of the declared area and Sealion,
already in the Kattegat, off the entrance to the Sound. Orzel's
report of the sinking of Rio de Janeiro then came in
as well as a report from our Naval Attaché at Copenhagen
that Gneisenau or Blucher with two cruisers
and three destroyers had passed the Langland Belt at dawn,
heading north. Seal,
Truant
and Orzel were at once ordered to patrol on the parallel
of 57 50'N in the Skagerrak to intercept should this new force
sortie and join the main German units now in the vicinity
of Trondheim. The force in the Kattegat in fact consisted
of Blucher, Lutzow, Emden and three torpedo boats and
was bound for Oslo with 2000 troops. It had left Swinemunde
the previous evening. Sealion
did not sight them as they emerged from the Belts as she
was by now off the Sound. The force was, however, sighted
just inside the Skaw by Triton
(Lieutenant Commander EF Pizey RN) who at 1758 fired a full
salvo of ten torpedoes at long range (7500 yds) at Blucher.
The German force increased speed while the torpedoes were
running and all missed astern15.
Sunfish
(Lieutenant Commander JE Slaughter RN) also sighted this force
at 1850 but was too far off to attack. Both submarines were
able to surface and make enemy reports as soon as it was dark.
Unfortunately Trident,
originally off Oslo Fjord, had been moved to patrol off Larvik
as it was thought likely that the German ships would land
their troops there rather than face the formidable coastal
defences in the approaches to Oslo16.
Trident
did not therefore sight the enemy force when it entered Oslo
Fjord just before midnight.
During 8th
April, three more groups crossed from the German North Sea
bases to Norway. The largest group consisting of the light
cruisers Koln and Konigsberg, the sloop Bremse
and an E-Boat flotilla with 1500 troops left Wilhelmshaven
in the evening of 7th April for Bergen. A smaller group consisting
of the sloop Brummer and two torpedo boats with 500
troops left Cuxhaven at the same time for Stavanger. These
groups avoided Unity,
still the only British submarine east of the declared area
and also Spearfish
further north and Truant
off Egersund, and landed their troops unmolested. The last
invasion group consisting of the light cruiser Karlsruhe
with Tsingtau, Grief, destroyers and another E-boat
flotilla with 1230 troops left the Weser early on 8th April
for Kristiansand and Arendal. Finally four minelayers left
Cuxhaven for Egersund to lay the minefield across the entrance
to the Skagerrak. Not one of these groups was intercepted
by any of our submarines, probably because B-dienst, the German
radio interception service, revealed their positions to them.
The first two sections of the German Skagerrak mine barrage
were laid on the night of 8th/ 9th April by the minelayers
Roland, Cobra, Preussen and Konigen Louise
and the last sections on 11th - 13th April.
The Norwegian
Navy possessed nine submarines but they were small and elderly.
They were similar in size to our H-class and were armed with
the small eighteen-inch torpedo. Since 1939, all had been
commissioned and were disposed round the coast to ensure that
Norway's neutrality was not violated. One (B4) was
refitting at Carljohansvern in Oslo Fjord and the three oldest
(A2, A3 and A4) were stationed at the submarine
base at Teie also in Oslo Fjord. B2 and B5 were
at Gravene near Kristiansand to guard the Skagerrak coast.
B6 was at Flatoy near Bergen and B1 and B3
were at Liland on the north side of Ofot Fjord near Narvik.
When the German invasion occurred, all the submarines were
in harbour but with orders to put to sea at dawn on 9th April.
The boats in Oslo Fjord put to sea accordingly but did not
see the German ships, which had already passed. A2
tangled with two German minesweepers and was forced to the
surface while A3 and A4 patrolled the lower
part of Oslo Fjord. B4 was towed away from the dockyard
to the upper part of Oslo Fjord. On the south coast B2
and B5 put to sea from Gravarne but missed the invading
force in low visibility when it entered Kristiansand. Aircraft
harassed both and B5 was machine gunned while submerged
and lay on the bottom for some hours. B2 had to return
to harbour with defects. In the Bergen area B6 put
to sea from Flatoy and patrolled off Byfjorden but sighted
nothing more than two E-boats. The sailing of B1 and
B3 in the Narvik area was cancelled by the local senior
officer because of reports of the laying of a British minefield
by surface forces, and therefore did not intercept the German
destroyers when they arrived.
By the forenoon
of 9th April, even the Admiralty realised that Norway was
being invaded for it was reported in the morning papers. Nevertheless
they still seemed more interested in intercepting the German
ships off Norway as they returned than in preventing further
invasion. VA(S) then ordered Thistle
back to Stavanger and Truant
to Oslo and told Clyde
and Seal
to close the coast of Norway and sink any German ships they
could find. Thistle
(Lieutenant Commander WF Haselfoot RN) sighted a small
U-boat off Skudenes but missed her with six torpedoes. She
was told to close Stavanger and attack any ships there but
when she signalled that she would comply next day but she
had only two torpedoes left, she was ordered to resume patrol
off Skudenes. Here early next morning U4, which she
had missed the day before, caught her on the surface while
charging her batteries and torpedoed and sank her. She was
lost with all hands including her Commanding Officer, Lieutenant
Commander WF Haselfoot RN, four other officers and 48 men.
Trident
was invited to dive into Oslo Fjord but was at the time too
pre-occupied with German anti-submarine trawlers off the entrance
to comply. Unity
(Lieutenant JFB Brown RN), off Horns Reef, also on 9th April,
was attacked with depth charges by what she described as a
merchant ship but was probably an auxiliary anti-submarine
vessel15.
On 9th April,
there were twenty-two British, French and Polish submarines
on patrol in the North Sea and in the Skagerrak and Kattegat.
It can be seen from their positions in Map
7 that they were well placed to intercept the return of
the German warships or any reinforcements sent to Norway. This
concentration, in itself, was a considerable strategic success
and was entirely due to the correct appreciation of the available
intelligence by Admiral Horton. Submarines, however, were still
only allowed to attack warships and transports without warning,
and it was extremely difficult to tell which were transports
and which were ordinary merchant ships. The British Government,
on the forenoon of 9th April, were prevailed upon by VA(S) and
the Admiralty to authorise the sinking of all German ships on
sight in the Skagerrak east of longitude 8 E, and east of the
German declared area. This at last allowed our submarines to
operate in the way that the submarine had proved itself to be
most effective, that is in an unrestricted attack on merchant
shipping. The decision was made by noon and the order was passed
out soon afterwards to all submarines. It was received by Sunfish
north east of the Skaw, as a German ship was approaching.
At 1700 she sank Amasis of 7129 tons with a hit from
one of two torpedoes fired at close range. Sealion
(Lieutenant Commander B Bryant RN) sighted the German merchant
vessel Otterberg but let her go, as she believed her
to be a neutral.
An hour and
a half later, Truant
(Lieutenant Commander CH Hutchinson RN) passing Kristiansand
on her way to the Oslo area, sighted the German light cruiser
Karlsruhe escorted by three torpedo boats on a south
easterly course on her way back to Germany. At 1856 she fired
a full salvo of ten torpedoes at a range of 3500 yards. Karlsruhe
was steaming at 23 knots and the track was broad but two torpedoes
hit her aft putting both engines and her rudder out of action
and causing serious flooding. The torpedo boats counter attacked
down the torpedo tracks dropping thirty-one depth charges and
causing some damage. Two of the torpedo boats, Luchs and
Seeadler, took off Karlsruhe's ships company and
the third, Greif, finished her off with torpedo at 2150
as she was sinking too slowly. By the same time, Truant,
having heard nothing for a quarter of an hour, came up from
320 feet for a look. She found the hunt had been taken over
by some anti-submarine craft and went down to 300 feet again.
Although attacked with more depth charges, they were not close
but she was not able to surface finally until after she had
been down for nineteen hours, her battery being very low. She
then made an enemy report and set course for base.
The Norwegian
submarines in the south of the country, with the over running
of their bases by the Germans, were unable to receive any instructions
or orders. B4 was captured in harbour at Fildvedt by
the German torpedo boat Mowe, and A3 and A4
after patrolling in the lower Oslo Fjord, lost their base at
Teie on 12th April and were scuttled by their crews. B2
was in harbour at Fiska Verka trying to get repairs done, and
B5 was on patrol in calm, foggy weather. She entered
harbour to telephone for instructions and both boats fell into
German hands on 11th April.
On the afternoon
of 9th April, Fliegerkorps X heavily attacked the Home Fleet
in the Bergen area, which had been found by German reconnaissance
aircraft. The flagship Rodney was hit by a thousand pound
bomb that failed to explode, the destroyer Gurkha was
sunk and several other ships near missed. There was no fighter
protection and some of the ships expended nearly half of their
antiaircraft ammunition. That evening C-in-C signalled to the
Admiralty that he intended to attack the enemy in North Norway
with the fleet, but proposed to leave the southern area mainly
to submarines because of enemy air superiority there. This signal,
made by the Commander of a fleet that was greatly superior to
the enemy fleet, admitted that the only way to dispute command
of the sea in face of enemy air superiority was by using submarines16.
Although when this strategy was approved by the Admiralty they
added 'air and mining and occasional sweeps by surface forces'
to the phrase 'mainly to submarines', it was a momentous change
in the attitude to the submarine in the Royal Navy. The submarine
was now seen to be an essential part of the stronger navies
and not just an auxiliary or the weapon for the weaker powers.
On 10th April
the first Battle of Narvik was fought and in the Skagerrak,
submarines lost no time in justifying C-in-C's confidence in
them. They made altogether seven attacks but tended to use too
few torpedoes when firing at merchant ships resulting in a number
of missed opportunities. Trident
(Lieutenant Commander AGL Seale RN) fired only two torpedoes
at Wandsbek at 4000 yards and missed. Sunfish
attacked a medium sized supply ship at 1100 yards but only used
one torpedo and that failed to run. Sunfish
then attacked another supply ship using two torpedoes at
900 yards but one of her torpedoes had a gyro failure and she
missed again. Orzel (Kapitan J Grudzinski) fired two
torpedoes at 250 yards at an antisubmarine vessel and the torpedoes
missed probably by running under. Then at last Triton
(Lieutenant Commander EF Pizey RN), north east of the Skaw,
encountered the first German invasion convoy of fifteen ships
and fired six torpedoes at 2500 yards17
four of them hitting and sinking Friedman of 5219 tons,
Wiebert of 3648 tons and the patrol vessel R6
of the escort. This convoy was carrying 8500 troops, 1500 vehicles
and 2200 tons of supplies to Oslo. Triton
was counter attacked with 78 depth charges but was not damaged.
Then, after dark, Sunfish
was also successful. At 2230 she fired a single torpedo
at a darkened ship at 1000 yards range and hit, sinking Antares
of 2593 tons.
The Norwegian
B1 and B3 were the only submarines in the Narvik
area when the Germans arrived and they were hampered by bad
visibility and later by German antisubmarine craft. They also
suffered from a lack of operational control in the area. Consequently
they saw nothing of either the first or second battles of
Narvik. B1 returned to Liland but then a German trawler
appeared and she bottomed in very shallow water (8 metres).
It was later decided to abandon her on the bottom and the
crew withdrew overland to Tromso. B3, however, penetrated
beyond Narvik and sighted two German destroyers off Ramsund.
She thought she had been detected by them and withdrew to
the Vestfjord where contact was made with the British at Skelfjord
in the Lofotens. The British, however, were mainly interested
in keeping the Norwegian submarines out of the way of their
anti U-boat operations in the area.
German strategy
at this time was to concentrate all sea traffic on the route
across the Skagerrak to Oslo. No supplies were to be shipped
by sea to the western ports of Norway. Every effort was to
be made to escort the traffic to Oslo and to hunt submarines
in the Skagerrak and Kattegat. It was also intended to reinforce
the minefield between Egersund and Hantsholm. The German anti-submarine
measures in the Skagerrak were now therefore increasing and
Spearfish
(Lieutenant Commander JH Forbes RN) on her arrival close
north west of the Skaw at 1730, was hunted and 66 depth charges
were dropped. She had, in fact, been caught up in the counter
attack on Triton
after her attack on the convoy. Spearfish
was counter attacked again at 2005 damaging the after
periscope. At 2015 the hunters were still in contact and the
battery was low and the air getting foul. However she had
shaken them off by 2330 and after being down for twenty hours,
she was able to surface and withdraw to seawards. She had
only been on the surface for half an hour when she sighted
a large ship approaching at high speed from the northwards.
She fired six torpedoes by eye at 0033 hitting the target
aft with two torpedoes. Spearfish
then made off on the surface at her best speed to the westwards.
This was the pocket battleship Lutzow returning to
Germany from Oslo. She was left drifting with both propellers
blown off and rudder jammed and with a list and slowly sinking.
Four torpedo boats and some patrol craft came to her assistance
and she was taken in tow by a Danish tug but ran aground on
a sandbank. Sealion
was ordered to intercept but the water was very shallow
and she had only one fathom under her keel at periscope depth.
Lutzow was not seen by Sealion
and was not refloated until the early morning of 12th April
and arrived at Kiel later the same day. She was under repair
until April 1941 and missed a planned sortie into the Atlantic.
On the morning
of 11th April, of the large German warships that had taken
part in the invasion of Norway, four were still at sea. Scharnhorst
and Gneisenau were in company north of the Faeroe
Islands, Hipper was well out to sea west of Trondheim
and all three were now heading south. Koln was steaming
down the east side of the German declared area in the North
Sea. Having left Bergen she had hidden for the night in a
fjord as units of the Home Fleet were reported and then made
a dash for it and reached Wilhemshaven safely after passing
to the west of all our submarines on patrol. She may well
have known their positions from radio intelligences.
Early on 11th
April Triad (Lieutenant Commander ERJ Oddie RN) off
Oslo Fjord, sank Ionia of 3102 tons at a range of 1000
yards with one hit out of two torpedoes. Later the same day,
Sealion
(Lieutenant Commander B Bryant RN) sank August Leonhardt
of 2600 tons in the Kattegat south of Anholt, scoring
one hit out of two torpedoes fired at 2700 yards. The nights
were already getting shorter giving only four hours to re-charge
batteries, which was scarcely enough after running submerged
for twenty hours or so. This was especially difficult as the
weather had cleared and visibility was now good. VA(S) made
a number of redispositions during the day. Triton,
with no torpedoes left, was ordered back to Rosyth and
Trident
too as she had been at sea since 25th March although she still
had twelve torpedoes on board. Orzel was moved to the
Swedish coast, Shark
and Seawolf
moved eastwards and Tarpon
ordered into the Heligoland Bight. The Government also lifted
its restrictions still further and the sink at sight policy
was permitted anywhere within ten miles of the Norwegian coast
south of 61N and east of 6E as far down as 54N.
During the
night, the German main units passed southward at high speed
between Norway and the Shetlands. By 0830 on 12th April, Scharnhorst
and Gneisenau had met Hipper and shortly afterwards
the whole force was sighted and reported by a Coastal Command
aircraft. The weather, however, was very bad with rain, snow
and sleet and poor visibility so that large striking forces
from Bomber Command were unable to find the ships. A glance
at Map 8 shows the disposition
of submarines at the time. No less than seven boats were in
the Heligoland Bight or east of the declared area, and six
more were in the Kattegat. Another four were in the Skagerrak
or on passage north of the declared area. Strenuous efforts
were made to intercept the German ships. At 0900 VA(S) ordered
Trident
and Severn
to patrol on latitude 5750'N in the middle of the Skagerrak,
and Spearfish,
Sunfish
and Snapper
to close the Skaw while Shark
patrolled east of the northern edge of the declared area.
These dispositions were designed to intercept the enemy should
he go home through the entrance to the Baltic. Later in the
day, Tarpon,
Shark
and Seawolf
were ordered to intercept should the enemy double back
from the Skaw towards Heligoland. The enemy, however, had
already destroyed Tarpon.
On 10th April she had attacked the German ship Schiff 40
northeast of the German declared area. Her two torpedoes
missed and her periscope was sighted and she was heavily counter
attacked and sunk with depth charges. Schiff 40 remained
in the vicinity for twenty-two hours and made a number of
other attacks. She went down with all hands on this her first
patrol, her Commanding Officer (Lieutenant Commander HJ Caldwell
RN), four other officers and 48 men being lost.
The enemy
main units, in fact, made straight down the eastern side of
the declared area and in the bad weather were not seen by any
of our submarines although they must have passed within sight
of some of them if the visibility had been good. They arrived
at Wilhelmshaven during the evening of 12th April. This failure
by seventeen of our submarines to intercept an enemy with ample
warning of approach was a great disappointment. There now seems
little doubt that the enemy's radio intelligence was a major
consideration and that the Germans knew where our submarines
were. To put matters in perspective, the circles at the top
of Map 8 shows the visibility
round our submarines in the Heligoland Blight at the time, and
gives an indication of how difficult interceptions can be in
bad weather. During the day (12th April) reports were received
of a German heavy ship at Moide in the southern approaches to
Trondheim and the new submarine Taku,
just leaving Scapa to join the fray was diverted to the area.
The Norwegian B6 was also in this area. She had retired
northward after the fall of Bergen keeping inside the islands
and defending the line of the Sogne Fjord against a German advance
from the south.
When it was
clear that the enemy had got home, Trident
was ordered to return to Rosyth and Severn
to patrol off Kristiansand. Snapper
(Lieutenant WDA King RN) had run into thick fog on 10th
April and when it cleared she sighted large numbers of aircraft
bound for Norway. She was then ordered up the Skagerrak to the
area south of Oslo. Three attacks were made on traffic to Norway
on 12th April. At 0340 in the Skagerrak off Oslo, Snapper
fired two torpedoes at a small tanker at a range of 2000
yards and on a very broad track and missed. She then surfaced
and, after a chase of seven miles destroyed her with gunfire
after rescuing the crew. This was Moonsund of 321 tons
carrying aviation petrol to Oslo. Shortly afterwards Sunfish
(Lieutenant Commander JE Slaughter RN) in the Kattegat fired
a single torpedo at a medium sized merchant ship at 1800 yards
but the target altered course and avoided it. Later Sterlet
(Lieutenant GHS Haward RN) attacked a convoy of three ships
with one escort west of the Skaw firing three torpedoes but
all missed. Snapper
was then ordered into the Kattegat where she sighted many
patrols and minesweepers.
On 13th April,
the day of the second battle of Narvik, the submarines to the
southward were as busy as ever. The presence of a German ship
in Moide was not confirmed and Taku,
under orders to investigate, was told instead to patrol off
Trondheim. Another false report had been received that German
heavy cruisers were in Kristiansand and Shark
had been sent to reinforce Severn
on patrol off the port. Severn,
however, sighted two Wolf-class torpedo boats leaving and these
had clearly been mistaken for heavy cruisers. Seal
(Lieutenant Commander RP Lonsdale RN) dived into Stavanger but
could find no targets and had to be satisfied with a reconnaissance
of the airfield. Further south, the minelayer Narwhal
who had left Immingham on 10th April, laid fifty mines in the
Kattegat just north of Laeso Island. This minefield subsequently
sank the German UJ vessel Bremen, a ship called Marion,
it is believed of 3000 tons, and also the minesweeping trawler
Deutschland and the minesweepers M1802 and
M1701. Soon afterwards Narwhal
attacked a convoy of one large and one small ship with two escorts
in the Aalbeck Bight. She fired six torpedoes at long range
(6000 yards) but was put off her aim by patrol vessels in the
vicinity and missed. Early next morning just west of the Skaw,
she met another convoy but was unable to attack due to the activity
of its escort. Finally Sunfish
in the Skagerrak fired two torpedoes at a southbound ship near
the Swedish coast. The range was close (1000 yards) and one
torpedo hit but the other failed to run correctly. The ship
then ran herself ashore19.
Sealion
was ordered to return to base on 13th and found great difficulty
in withdrawing from the Kattegat. One of her main motors was
defective and there were patrols everywhere. She got out by
crossing to the Danish side but met more patrols west of the
Skaw. She finally arrived at Harwich after being attacked by
an Anson aircraft of the Royal Air Force fortunately without
damage.
On 14th April,
our submarines made five torpedo attacks. Snapper
in the Kattegat at night chased an unidentified ship and fired
a single torpedo at 3000 yards from astern and understandably
missed. Snapper
was also forced to dive at night by two destroyers proceeding
at high speed and which passed close on each side of her and
she was hunted for four hours at 120 feet. Later in daylight
she sighted a fast convoy of two transports with two destroyers.
She fired five torpedoes at 1500 yards, one torpedo tube misfired
and it was very calm. No ship was sunk but it seems probable
that one ship and possibly two were hit and damaged. Snapper
was counterattacked for three quarters of an hour and the hunt
was then taken over by UJ-boats. She was able, however, to get
away on the surface after nightfall. Sunfish
also fired two torpedoes at the Florida of 6148 tons
at a range of 2100 yards and sank her. Anti-submarine vessels
subsequently hunted her but they failed to gain firm contact.
Triad (Lieutenant Commander ERJ Oddie RN) fired torpedoes
at long range (6000 yards) at two escorted supply ships but
she missed. She had another chance and at 2205 fired two more
torpedoes at a destroyer at a range of 3000 yards. The enemy
was steaming at 20 knots and she missed again.
Between 14th
and 18th April, British forces landed at Namsos and Andaisnes,
with the object of recapturing Trondheim. Trondheim although
in German hands, was isolated from their army in the south of
Norway, which was trying to advance up the inland valleys from
Oslo by rail and road opposed by Norwegian forces20.
It was therefore of paramount importance to prevent German reinforcements
reaching Oslo across the Skagerrak. So far only the leading
elements of the six German divisions had landed and the rest,
with most of the tanks and artillery, were still waiting to
be ferried across. Our submarines continued to attack this traffic
under gradually increasing difficulties. The Germans were bringing
into service more auxiliary anti-submarine craft, some captured
in Norway and, at the same time, the nights were shortening
with every day that passed.
On 15th April,
Taku
(Lieutenant Commander VJH Van Der Byl RN) arrived to establish
patrol off Fro Havet, the northern entrance to Trondheim Fjord.
However she was soon ordered south to keep out of the way
of units of the Home Fleet. In the Skagerrak, Snapper
still on the surface in the early morning before it was
light attacked what she believed to be a convoy and at once
dived. She fired four torpedoes and all four were heard to
hit. They sank M1701 ( Jan Behrens of 525 tons)
and M1702 (C Jansen of 472 tons) but they were
minesweepers not supply ships. Snapper
was counter attacked for an hour but managed to steal
away and made an enemy report. She was hunted all next day
and depth charges were dropped. She broke contact at dusk
and made for her base with all torpedoes expended. Shark
(Lieutenant PN Buckley RN), off the south coast of Norway
in the afternoon of 15th, fired five torpedoes at two transports
escorted by Brummer, but the range was long (4000 yards)
and the enemy saw the torpedo tracks and altered course away.
After dark, Sterlet
attacked Brummer and three escorts returning from Oslo
and when in a position north east of Kristiansand. She fired
three torpedoes which were seen but one of them could not
be avoided and hit and sank Brummer21.
Sterlet
was counter attacked by Falke and F5 who did
not claim success but may well have sunk her22.
Sterlet
failed to return from patrol and it is possible that she was
the victim of an attack by the German minesweeper M75 on
18th April after a night attack by a submarine on a convoy
with two torpedoes. During a close depth charge attack a submarine
broke surface and was sighted. It is also possible that she
was mined as her return route took her through one of the
German fields laid on 8th April. She was lost with all hands
including her Commanding Officer, Lieutenant Commander GHS
Haward RN, four other officers and 35 men. In the Heligoland
Bight also on 15th April, Unity
(Lieutenant JF Brown RN) fired three torpedoes in rough weather
at a small U-boat at a range of 2000 yards on a broad track
but missed.
Next day (16th
April) Taku
sighted the cruisers Glasgow and Sheffield off
Andaisnes but she had been warned of their presence and there
was no confusion. Triad off Oslo Fjord reported that
the anti-submarine activity was now so intense that success
was unlikely. She was ordered to withdraw to a position off
Arendal. The large minelaying submarine Porpoise
(Commander PQ Roberts RN) which had left Rosyth on 13th April
to patrol off Egersund, encountered the small U-boat U3
and fired a full salvo of six torpedoes at her but missed.
On 17th April, Taku
still in the Trondheim area received a report of five German
destroyers approaching her position. At 0335 she fired four
torpedoes at a destroyer, which made a heavy counter attack
with depth charges. Fortunately the torpedoes and the depth
charges all missed for her adversary was the British Ashanti.
Further south Seal
(Lieutenant Commander RP Lonsdale RN) acted as a navigational
beacon for the bombardment of Sola airfield near Stavanger
by the heavy cruiser Suffolk. Triad, still in
the Skagerrak, attacked the E-boat depot ship Tsingtau
escorted by trawlers with four torpedoes. The range was 1500
yards and her firing position was good but she missed due
to a drill failure when firing.
On 18th April,
Seawolf
(Lieutenant Commander JW Studholme RN), patrolling north
of the Skaw, made a night attack on a convoy of three supply
ships escorted by four trawlers. Although the range was long
(4000 yards) she only fired two torpedoes but followed them
up with four more. She obtained two hits sinking Hamm
of 5874 tons. Two days later (24th April) Triad fired
six torpedoes at a convoy of three ships at 2700 yards and
claimed one or possibly two hits23.
Triad had now expended all her torpedoes and she was
recalled to base. A few hours later Swordfish
(Lieutenant PJ Cowell RN) fired a full salvo of six torpedoes
at the same convoy (three ships with four escorts) but the
range was long (5000 yards) and the submarine was swinging
as she fired and all torpedoes missed24.
Finally on 21st April, the French submarine Orphee
fired two torpedoes at a U-boat off the Dutch coast. She claimed
a hit at the time but this is not supported by post war research.
In this critical
week (15th - 21st April) when much depended on stopping reinforcements
arriving to oppose our forces at Namsos and Andalsnes, our
submarines attacked five convoys. They used twenty-seven torpedoes
and sank an escort vessel and two supply ships totalling 10,274
tons. This did not check the flow across the Skagerrak to
any degree; many convoys crossed without being sighted at
all, and many troops were flown across in transport planes.
However a U-boat was sunk and this was one out of five attacks
on this type of target in which twenty torpedoes had been
expended. Of the warships attacked, two minesweepers were
sunk but Tsingtau was missed. Against these successes
we lost Sterlet.
It was not that the enemy had efficient antisubmarine detection
devices. They had not, and their hydrophones, although an
improvement on earlier types, were greatly inferior to active
systems such as the British asdic. The problem was that the
short nights only just gave time to re-charge the submarines'
batteries. If the submarine was disturbed at night or forced
to dive, she would probably face the second day without a
full battery. Anti-submarine vessels therefore did not have
to be able to detect submerged submarines. There just had
to be plenty of them and they simply had to wait around and
they could hunt our submarines to exhaustion25.
The German
Navy soon found that it was safer to cross the Skagerrak at
night. After dark our submarines had to exert all their efforts
to re-charge their batteries, and this could best be done
by withdrawing from the convoy routes to quieter areas. They
were therefore less likely to make contact at night and, in
any case the submarines could seldom sight convoys as far
away at night as they could in good visibility by day. To
make matters worse, on 18th April and unknown to us, the four
German minelayers reinforced by H.Danzig and Kaiser
were occupied in laying anti-submarine minefields in the
Kattegat. VA(S) called for help from the Home Fleet to attack
the German antisubmarine vessels at night. A night sweep by
four destroyers was planned for 17th/18th April but it had
to be postponed. The C-in-C then cancelled the sweep, as he
did not consider it 'to be an operation of war'. The operation
of submarines in the eastern Skagerrak was, with the shorter
nights, also fast ceasing to be an operation of war. A respite
was earned when the French Navy came to VA(S)' aid. Three
large 40-knot destroyers26
made a sweep on the night of 23rd/24th April. They engaged
the two patrol boats V702 and V709 and sank
a trawler, but did not have time to penetrate into the eastern
Skagerrak. They just missed the German minelayers Roland
and Cobra on their way from Wilhelmshaven to Kristiansand.
They were heavily attacked from the air as they returned,
but fortunately escaped damage. The French destroyers Chevalier
Paul, Milan and Tartu and the British Sikh
and Tartar made a second sortie, which was unsuccessful,
on 3rd/4th May. In between these destroyer raids, Roland
and Cobra added an anti-submarine section to the Skagerrak
minefield.
The large
number of submarines sent to sea to oppose the invasion of Norway
now meant that there were few left in harbour to relieve them.
Thistle,
Tarpon
and Sterlet
had been lost and Triton,
Triad, Sunfish
and Snapper
had had to return to harbour early with all their torpedoes
expended. Trident,
Orzel, Unity
and Sealion
had completed their normal patrol times and were recalled to
base and some of these boats had fired half of their torpedoes.
By 20th April, there were only Swordfish,
Shark,
Seawolf,
Porpoise
and Tetrarch
at sea as well as the French Orphee, Doris and Sfax.
Submarines were turned round within the shortest periods in
harbour possible. Trident
was only a week in Rosyth before she was sailed again and this
included a docking.
The submarines
sent out on patrol after 20th April were ordered to areas on
the southwest coast of Norway and not into the Skagerrak. The
submarines operating in the eastern Skagerrak were gradually
recalled to base as they became due for relief and by 27th April
they had all returned. By now the enemy had begun to run convoys
along the south and west coasts of Norway and these ships entered
the 'indreled', or passage north behind the islands, at Haugesund
to proceed to Bergen and the northwards. It was the intention
of VA(S) that submarines should now operate during the short
summer nights in the area between south west Norway and the
German declared mined area in which it was hoped that they could
intercept any enemy ships leaving either the Skagerrak or the
Heligoland Bight, and could do so without having to endure the
intense antisubmarine measures to be found in the eastern Skagerrak.
However this meant that the enemy's principal convoy route,
which was still direct to Oslo, would be unmolested. A final
look at the area was therefore taken by sending the two experienced
submarines Sunfish
(Lieutenant Commander JE Slaughter RN) and Sealion
(Lieutenant Commander B Bryant RN) in during the early part
of May. Sunfish's
patrol encountered no targets and both submarines found it extremely
difficult to operate effectively with the heavy air and surface
patrols and practically no darkness at all. They had to re-charge
their batteries not only during the short nights but in daylight
as well. Sealion
found that many of the aircraft sighted were transport planes
and stayed on the surface without interrupting the charge. It
took a long time to work up into the eastern Skagerrak. It was
difficult to make headway and she found that it was only possible
to cover forty miles each day. Surprisingly targets were hard
to find but on 6th May, Sealion
fired a full salvo of six torpedoes at two supply ships in convoy
but missed. She believed that she had secured a hit but this
is not confirmed by post war analysis. Sealion
found it necessary to withdraw from the convoy route for a day
and spent it deep resting on a density layer to obtain some
sleep for the crew.
There was
another way to continue operations during the very short nights
and in confined waters such as the Skagerrak, and that was by
submarine minelaying. It was hoped to carry this out by stealth
in a single day without attracting the attention of enemy anti-submarine
measures. Three minelayers were sent in, Narwhal
laying a second field on 30th April close to her first at
the entrance to Laeso Rende. This minefield sank three minesweepers
and an anti-submarine vessel, which were M1101, M1302, M1703
and a UJB. On her way out on 1st May she attacked a large convoy
firing six torpedoes at 1000 yards range, hitting Buenos
Aires of 6097 tons which sank and Bahia Castillo of
8570 tons, which was damaged. Seal,
which followed her, was not so successful. She left Immingham,
having loaded fifty mines on 29th April and passed the Skaw
in the morning of 4th May. Soon afterwards she was seen and
bombed by an aircraft. However at 0945 she laid her mines in
the Kattegat inside the Skaw off Vinga. She had to alter their
planned position because of four anti-submarine trawlers, which
were patrolling there. This field sank Vegeson of 4240
tons, Skandia of 1243 tons and the Swedish fishing vessel
Almy and damaged the patrol vessel V403. She then,
when withdrawing, passed through a German minefield without
knowing it was there. Many patrol vessels being about, she dived
to 70 feet in 'silent routine'. At 1830, when still nine miles
east of the Skaw, there was a heavy explosion aft. Her after
compartment was flooded and she hit the bottom in 22 fathoms.
It seems probable that she had picked up a German mine and towed
it for some time before it exploded. Nevertheless after six
hours she managed to struggle to the surface but found that
she was quite unmanageable. At daylight, just before 0300, aircraft
again attacked her and two men were wounded. Subsequently a
seaplane landed alongside and took the captain (Lieutenant Commander
RP Lonsdale RN) prisoner. She was then taken in tow by the German
trawler UJ128 and, although she was slowly sinking, she
reached Friedrichshaven and the crew was taken prisoner and
held in Germany until 194527.
The third minelayer to be sent in was the French Rubis, and
she sailed from Dundee on 3rd May and laid 32 mines off Egersund.
This field
sank the Norwegian Kem of 1706 tons and the coaster
V of 1400 tons and a third ship was damaged.
The brand
new submarine Tetrarch
(Lieutenant Commander RG Mills RN) left Rosyth on 13th
April to patrol off Hallo (near Lillesand) and at 1830 on
23rd April she attacked a large transport or supply ship with
an escort of three destroyers. She only fired two torpedoes
at a range of 4000 yards, it was flat calm and the escort
saw the torpedo tracks and the torpedoes were avoided. She
was then subjected to a heavy counter attack and at 2222 fired
two torpedoes at her tormentors but missed. The enemy renewed
their efforts and she was held down not only all that night
but all the next day too. In trying to shake the enemy off
she lost control and on two occasions dived to 400 feet28.
She finally was able to shake off the enemy and surface after
being submerged for forty-three hours. She had, fortunately,
managed to surface for a few minutes in the middle to get
a breath of fresh air.
On 22nd April,
after her turn round of about a week, Trident
(Lieutenant Commander GM Sladen RN) left Rosyth to patrol
off the Naze. On 25th April she fired two salvoes of two torpedoes
each at a southbound merchant ship in ballast. The range was
4500 yards and she missed with both. Truant
(Lieutenant Commander HAV Haggard RN), after a little
longer in harbour, left Rosyth on 24th April to land supplies,
arms and explosives for the Norwegian Army in Sogne Fjord.
Soon after she left harbour, she was damaged by an explosion
and had to return. Whether this was a mine or the premature
explosion of a U-boat's torpedo is not known. On 29th April
Trident
made a reconnaissance of Kors Fjord, which is the southern
entrance to Bergen. It was by now clear that all the enemy
traffic was using the inner leads behind the islands and that
patrol outside in the open sea was unlikely to intercept it.
Next day, therefore, she dived into the Selbjorn Fjord into
the inner leads and spent the night charging in Bjorn Fjord.
She patrolled the next day at periscope depth in the inner
leads but nothing appeared until 0930 2nd May when Clare
H Stinnes of 5000 tons was seen approaching from the south.
Trident
fired two torpedoes at 2500 yards but missed. She then surfaced
and engaged with her gun. After firing 70 rounds, the enemy
ship was forced to beach herself on Skorpa Island. Trident
then fired another torpedo, which hit under the fore hold,
after which she decided to regain the open sea without delay.
She ran down Kors Fjord at full speed on the surface. She
reached the entrance safely but then an aircraft appeared
and she had to dive. Two patrol craft then came up and she
was depth charged and hunted for some hours29.
On 29th -
30th April, unseen by any of our submarines, four of the German
surface minelayers laid mines in a new position. This was
north of the Great Fisher Bank well to the west of the Skagerrak
barrage and north of the German declared area. These mines
were later to cause us grievous losses. Another submarine
was lost at about this time by accident. On 29th April, Unity,
soon after she had left Blyth for patrol, was run down by
a Norwegian merchant ship in the war channel and sunk. Her
Commanding Officer, Lieutenant FJ Brooks RN and most of her
ships company were rescued, but one officer and three men
were drowned.
On 4th May,
Severn
(Lieutenant Commander BW Taylor RN) south of Stavanger came
upon the Swedish Monark of 1786 tons and stopped her.
She was found to be in German hands and was sunk by a single
torpedo after providing for the safety of the Swedish crew
and capturing the Germans. On 6th May, Snapper
(Lieutenant WDA King RN) patrolling inside the German declared
area fired two torpedoes at 2000 yards at a zig-zagging supply
ship which had air and surface escort. It is thought that
the aircraft sighted the submarine just before firing as it
was glassy calm and that the torpedoes were avoided. During
this attack a destroyer approached from the opposite direction
but took no notice and went straight on. On 8th May Taku
in the Skudenes area, fired a full salvo of ten torpedoes
at two transports escorted by two torpedo boats and two aircraft.
The range was 2000 yards and she claimed hits on one transport
and a torpedo boat. She, in fact, sank the torpedo boat Mowe
but a hit on a transport has not been confirmed.
While our
submarines were doing their best to cut the communications
of the German forces in Norway, the French submarines of the
Tenth Flotilla at Harwich were used to patrol west of the
German declared area, off the Dutch coast and later on the
south west coast of Norway. They made some seventeen patrols
altogether in this period. On 22nd April, one of the larger
French submarines, Sfax, was sent to patrol south west
of Norway. She fired a total of five torpedoes in two salvoes
at a convoy but the range was very long (7000 yards) and it
is not surprising that she missed. On 9th May, Doris was
sunk by U9 in the southern North Sea and on 11th Amazone
missed a U-boat with two torpedoes fired at 1200 yards
in the same area.
In the early
days of May, the British forces in central Norway were evacuated
from Andaisnes and Namsos. The German army then relieved Trondheim
and pushed on up the road to the north. The whole of central
and southern Norway was soon firmly in their hands. With this
withdrawal, it was decided that the Norwegian submarine B6
should make for the United Kingdom. She was sent to Floro
to fuel but partly because of the reluctance of her crew to
leave their families in Norway and partly because of German
threats to bomb the town unless she was surrendered, she was
handed over to them on 18th May.
The attempt
by the Royal Navy, especially its submarines, to prevent the
invasion of Norway had failed. On 10th May, the Germans invaded
the Netherlands and the whole maritime strategic situation
was radically changed. Although operations continued for another
month or so around Narvik, the Norwegian campaign as far as
submarines were concerned had ended. It is time, therefore,
to summarise the results. Altogether twenty-nine individual
British and Allied submarines opposed the invasion of Norway30.
They made forty-seven torpedo attacks firing 166 torpedoes
and laid five minefields totalling 232 moored contact mines.
Twenty of the torpedo attacks succeeded, sinking the light
cruiser Karlsruhe, the sloop Brummer, three
minesweepers or patrol craft and severely damaging the pocket
battleship Lutzow. They also sank thirteen ships of
66,527 tons and probably sank or damaged five more ships of
19,900 tons. Against this they lost five of their number:
two to U-boat attack, one31
to the counter attacks of anti-submarine vessels, one by striking
a mine and one by accident. It may seem that to succeed in
only twenty out of forty-seven attacks needs comment, although
in subsequent campaigns submarines did not always do as well.
In five cases the torpedoes were fired at long range so that
a hit would have been pure luck. In five cases the miss can
be attributed to a drill or torpedo failure and in four cases
too few torpedoes were fired in the salvo to ensure a hit.
In four cases the enemy saw the torpedoes approaching or the
splash of discharge and was able to take avoiding action.
In one case the range was too short for the torpedoes to take
up their depth, and in another the shot can only be described
as a forlorn hope. In three cases insufficient information
has survived to make an assessment and in only three cases
is it inexplicable that a hit was not obtained. No single
reason for the apparent lack of marksmanship can therefore
be deduced. It is however relevant to note that practice in
making torpedo attacks had ceased on the outbreak of war.
There was a notion that practice was for peacetime, and that
in war one learnt on the job. New submarines and submarines
completing refit were granted a period to work up, but this
was short and unorganised and was often cut short for operational
reasons. No doubt if everything had been perfect more ships
would have been sunk but not all that many more, and certainly
not enough to alter the effect on the campaign.
The German
Navy admits that the losses initially among the supply ships
were heavy. They say that six out of the seven large cargo ships
sent in advance were sunk32as
well as two of their tankers. There were altogether thirty-eight
ships in the follow up convoys and these lost seven of their
number. The number of ships used in the campaign reached a total
of 270 of 1,200,000 tons and by mid June, they had transhipped
over 100,000 troops, 16,000 horses, 20,000 vehicles and 110,000
tons of stores of which they admit to the loss of 21 ships of
112,000 tons and a total of 2400 men. It was claimed that it
was the rapid build up by the supply organisation that ensured
the ultimate success of the invasion, and this cannot be disputed.
Nevertheless
the performance of the British and Allied submarines in the
Norwegian campaign was good. They were the only part of the
British Forces whose commander foresaw what was going to happen
and had the foresight to have them in the right place at the
right time. Although they missed all the groups that left for
the invasion from German North Sea ports, they intercepted and
reported the unit that left by the Kattegat. Furthermore they
investigated two of the merchant ships which preceded the invasion
and gave the high commands in the United Kingdom and Norway
the chance to realise what was going on had they chosen to do
so. Again they missed German ships on their way home in the
North Sea due to the low visibility and the German mastery of
intelligence, but they caught two heavy ships in the Skagerrak.
Subsequently they were able to operate in the face of first
line shore-based air power, which the Home Fleet itself could
not do. They took a toll the ships in the invasion's supply
line but it was not enough to affect the campaign substantially.
Submarines are weapons of attrition and attrition takes time
to have its effect. Not only the length of the campaign limited
the time they were able to spend on the supply lines, but also
by the short nights. Nevertheless they thoroughly deserved the
signal of appreciation received from the First Lord of the Admiralty:
'Please convey
to all ranks and ratings engaged in these brilliant and fruitful
submarine operations the admiration and regard with which their
fellow countrymen follow their exploits'.
On 9th May
six submarine Commanding Officers and many of their ships companies
were decorated. Five received the Distinguished Service Order.
These were Lieutenant Commanders Forbes of Spearfish,
Hutchinson of Truant,
Slaughter of Sunfish
and Pizey of Triton
and also Lieutenant King of Snapper.
Lieutenant Commander Bryant of Sealion
received the Distinguished Service Cross. On 28th June Lieutenant
Commanders Oddie of Triad, Studholme of Seawolf
and Van der Byl of Taku
were also awarded the Distinguished Service Cross. Commander
Roberts of Porpoise
received the Distinguished Service Order at the end of the war
for sinking U1 but unhappily this sinking has not been
confirmed by recent research.